HE Giorgi Badridze, Ambassador of Georgia, and Sir Ronald Halstead CBE, Chairman CFCC
Speech by Ambassador Giorgi Badridze to Conservative Foreign and Commonwealth Council (17/3/2011).
It is a great honour to be speaking to you this evening. My friendship with the Conservative Foreign and Commonwealth Council started back in 2007 when I first arrived in London as a Minister at the Georgian embassy.
Before I start - I am sure all of us share great anxiety about still unfolding disaster in Japan – our thoughts and sympathy go to the people of Japan.
But it is a period of great volatility in international affairs as well, what your Prime Minister, David Cameron, has rightly described as a “precious moment of opportunity”.
I look at the events in North Africa with a feeling of great empathy.
We in Georgia had our own (although peaceful) revolution, known as the Rose Revolution of 2003.
The Georgian people, fed up with years of stagnation.
Of corruption that was endemic in society.
Of a political system that was unresponsive to the popular will.
We rose up and took control and transformed our country into an outward looking and modernising democracy.
I understand the longing of those peoples who live under tyranny and what they are striving for.
As some of you will know, but I would certainly forgive you if you did not, my country suffered under nearly seventy years of Communist control.
It was long enough for most in Europe to forget about us.
Our last period of independence, a brief window from 1918-21, was one the proudest period of Georgia’s history.
My country was regarded as a beacon of democratic values, with many British politicians visiting and supporting the constitutional reforms.
At that time, like now, there was a coalition Government in Britain.
Only then the Liberal, Lloyd George, was in the seat of power.
Debates raged about what to do in the Caucasus, and whether to intervene to protect Georgia’s independence.
Conservative politicians, such as the then Secretary of State for War, Winston Churchill, and the Foreign Secretary, Lord Curzon, saw Bolshevism for what it was.
As the Red Army started to threaten Georgia, and Azerbaijan fell under Soviet control, Britain had an opportunity to step in.
To back a comprehensive plan to rally an anti-Bolshevik coalition, support White Russian forces, control the Baku-Batumi corridor and the Caspian Sea and, from that position of strength, negotiate with the nascent Soviet government.
Churchill backed the plan - but Lloyd George opposed it.
The then Prime Minister saw Soviet Russia as an important trade partner, and crucial for Britain’s economic revival after the Great War. He did not want to antagonise the new Bolshevik masters.
And, sadly from my point of view, his arguments won through.
The British Army withdrew forces from Batumi, on the Black Sea coast of Georgia, in July 1920.
By November, the Red Army took control in Armenia.
The following year, in February, Bolsheviks instigated civil unrest in ethnic minority-populated Southern Georgia.
Under that pretext, the Red Army entered Georgian territory on February 15.
By February 25, just over ninety years to this day, Tbilisi fell.
Georgia’s democratic experiment was tragically crushed.
August 2008.
And as many of you will remember, Russia tried very similar tactics in August 2008.
Russian forces poured into Georgia, under a pretext, and instigated a ruthless ethnic cleansing campaign in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Thousands of innocent people fled for their lives.
Others were left at the mercy of the Russian military that was hellbent on destruction of the worst kind.
Men and women murdered.
Property looted and pillaged.
Infrastructure and cultural heritage destroyed.
President Sarkozy of France negotiated a peace agreement, which included Russian forces withdrawing back to their previous positions. The Russians agreed – but have never kept their side of the bargain.
You can feel very proud in this room that it was the leader of your Party, David Cameron, who led the world in showing solidarity with the Georgian people.
He was one of the first Western politicians, at some personal risk to himself, to fly in to Tbilisi.
He stood in my capital, in the range of Russian missiles, and stated “One of the most important things we continue to do is stand by Georgia, give Georgia support - support in terms of rebuilding the infrastructure that's been smashed and broken, support in saying, 'You will be welcome as members of the EU and Nato.'"
I personally accompanied William Hague, then Shadow Foreign Secretary, on a visit he made shortly afterwards, again at some personal risk to himself.
On his return he noted “as I saw for myself when I visited Georgian refugees, Russia has also failed to safeguard the return of ethnic Georgian refugees to their homes in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The latest report from the NGO Human Rights Watch accuses Russia of doing nothing to protect Georgian civilians from militia. Less than a decade since we last said "Never again" to ethnic cleansing in the Balkans, it has happened again on Europe's borders.”
Your coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats, passed a resolution at their 2008 Party Conference condemning “ Russia's invasion and occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and its unilateral recognition of their independence.”
And I must also note, and express gratitude, for the solid support we received from the previous British Government in upholding Georgia’s territorial integrity.
The current security situation in Georgia.
There is no hiding away from the fact that the security situation in my country is difficult.
Georgia has remained resilient and strong, but Russia occupies 20% of Georgian territory.
Ten thousand Russian troops are stationed on Georgian soil.
Russian tanks sit only 32 kilometers from Tbilisi.
Illegal military bases are being built in both South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Missiles are in place – aimed at my fellow citizens and far beyond.
Worst of all, 130,000 people have been forced to flee their homes in a brutal ethnic cleansing campaign.
30,000 of them will not be able to return in the foreseeable future.
These displaced people now live in temporary accommodation. My Government has done its best to re-house them, but understandably they long to return to their homes.
Many properties have been looted or destroyed by Russian forces and their proxies.
Those left behind in the occupied territories live in day to day fear at the mercy of Russian occupiers.
It is difficult, almost impossible, for them to come to unoccupied Georgia to work, access healthcare or receive education.
And how tragic it is, that while the rest of Europe celebrated recently the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, a new barrier is being built to divide Georgia.
Russian authorities are giving out Russian passports to residents of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and Russian state owned companies are scouring the area for opportunities to pillage the occupied land.
Environmentalists have pointed to plans to extract millions of tons of gravel from the Abkhazian rivers and the coast for the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics construction (which is just 20 kilometres from Georgian border in Abkhazia). This will inevitably lead to an environmental catastrophe, as the coastline and river beds lose their natural defence from erosion. How far from the Olympic ideal can you get?
And you will no doubt be aware that tension remains high near the line of occupation.
Incidents happen on a regular basis. Since the end of hostilities there have been over 150 incidents, including more than twenty Georgian deaths.
Despite international pressure, Russia has continued to flout the commitments made to the diplomatic community.
Despite any window dressing about independence, South Ossetia and Abkhazia are more under Russian control than ever.
Indeed, the Russian campaign to encourage other countries to recognise these proxy regimes has been a miserable failure. So far, the only countries to back the campaign have been those exemplars of democracy – Nicaragua, Venezuela, Hamas and Hezbollah.
And while the attempts to achieve international recognition flounder, the Russian occupiers are doing all they can to keep out international monitors.
Russia succeeded in closing down UN OSCE missions, independent journalists are refused access.
All that are left are a lonely group of European Union monitors, which again, have no access to the occupied zones.
Georgia beyond conflict.
If I am honest, it depresses me if people only know Georgia for our difficult relations with our northern neighbour.
Or if it is assumed we are some breakaway Russian province.
In fact, Georgia is an ancient country with a long history of statehood and distinct culture.
It has been an independent state at the crossroads of Europe and the East for nearly three millennia.
The Georgian language is one of the oldest spoken languages, its unique alphabet is twenty four centuries old.
Georgia, known to the ancient Greeks as the country of the Golden Fleece had been playing an important role in the Hellenic and Roman worlds. Later, as one of the oldest Christian civilizations, it served as a European outpost in the east.
I would encourage all of you to take time to see my country for yourself.
More and more British people are taking the time to visit Georgia. Indeed, there is even talk of Ryan Air setting up a route!
We have the most wonderful coastline on the Black Sea.
Mountains with perfect skiing conditions.
Beautiful countryside in which to walk and enjoy and take in the scenery.
But most of all we are proud of our cuisine.
Georgian wine and food are among the finest in the world – and I am delighted to note that there are a number of Georgian restaurants in London now where you can try it for yourselves!
Georgia’s economic reform programme.
And we have our own economic recipes, which are delivering economic growth in these difficult times:
Instead of increasing taxes, we decrease them.
Instead of making the tax code more complicated, we continue to simplify it.
We constantly work to reduce the regulatory burden and increase transparency.
And it is working.
Despite the Russian invasion and global economic crisis, our economy has stayed resilient and is still growing, albeit at a slower rate (if 6.5% is slow).
International institutions now argue that Georgia has become one the most attractive countries in which to invest.
Don’t take my word for it: according to the World Bank, Georgia is now the 12th most attractive country in which to do business. In 2003, we were in 132nd place.
The World Bank also judged Georgia to be the number one reformer in the world over the past five years.
Between 2004-2008, the United Kingdom had been the largest investor in Georgia, making up over 10% of the total foreign inward investment.
Georgia has the fourth lowest taxes on entrepreneurs in the world, only behind Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Hong Kong.
Transparency International marked Georgia as improving from 133rd place in the Corruption Perception Index in 2004, to 67th in 2008. The organisation judges Georgia to be the best post-Soviet country in terms of fighting corruption.
So we have made progress. And we want to embed this within the Georgian system.
Parliament is currently debating a Liberty Act, which is designed to achieve this goal.
And, in the same way as George Osborne, my Government believes “we are all in this together” in Georgia in these difficult times.
We are committed to a safety net for the poorest. Educational and healthcare standards have been improved and we have increased pensions for the elderly.
And like the British Coalition Government, Georgia is pioneering Free Economic Zones, and there will be a conference in London next Friday to promote the zone, on the Black Sea coast, offering opportunities for British companies to invest.
Georgia’s democratic reforms.
I know that economic growth goes hand in hand with democratic progress.
And it is European standards of democracy that we strive for.
At the Davos Summit this year, David Cameron, expressed his concern that the West must have more confidence in its liberal values.
He warned about a “new authoritarian capitalism”, with “political leaders with the powers of juggernauts, forcing decisions through”, where if you are a company, your premises can be taken away from you or where contracts are routinely dishonoured. I think we know the countries he was talking about!
But he argued, rightly in my view, that democratic values are good for business creativity, again I quote him “good ideas come through freedom – free thinking and the free association of like-minded people”.
This is very much the thinking of the Georgian Government.
Obviously, we push forward with democratic reforms because we believe in them, not for business investment or any other political aspiration.
It is our aspiration to be a fully functioning European democracy. And we are working tirelessly towards this goal.
We stand out in our region in terms of the democratic agenda we are taking forward.
Without boring you with great detail, we have set up a Constitutional Commission, chaired by an independent figure, to build upon reforms already taken place.
Reforms are in progress to increase the powers of Parliament and redress the balance of power between President and the legislature.
We are committed to making sure our electoral lists and electoral code are as accurate as possible.
Our democratic reforms were tested last year in the first direct elections for a Mayor of Tbilisi, and we passed with flying colours. Perhaps one day we will even have our own Boris Johnson?
Georgia’s media reforms.
As in the United Kingdom, media ownership is a key area of debate in Georgia.
The Government is committed to media freedom and is implementing a number of reforms to ensure this and broaden the political debate.
We have been active on many fronts.
We have delivered legislative guarantees to ensure the Georgian Public Broadcaster regularly broadcasts live political talk-shows with equal participation of all major political parties.
In co-operation with opposition parties, we have created a public broadcasting channel dedicated to political and parliamentary coverage - similar to the BBC Parliament channel.
Reforms are to be debated by Parliament to strengthen the legislative framework for the transparency of media ownership, through limiting off-shore ownership in electronic media.
But in a democracy, it is not just the media that must be able to operate freely – equally important is the role of the judiciary.
Judicial independence.
Arguably, judicial reform is the most long term and difficult internal challenge my Government faces.
This is because it requires a cultural shift.
My Government is credited around the world for the robust approach to tackling corruption.
Most famously, overnight we replaced a corrupt and inefficient traffic police service – which regularly exhorted bribes from law abiding (and not so law abiding) motorists – with a new organization with new personnel and new equipment.
The public noticed the change immediately and it was widely welcomed.
The same cannot be done with a judicial system, not least because judges take years to train.
It is vital that we improve the quality of our judges and we now have a High School of Justice to ensure high level training.
Judges now have to pass exams and laws on the lifetime appointment of judges are due to be introduced shortly.
And we have made important improvements to court procedures.
Trial by jury has been introduced.
Access to justice is crucial – and legal aid provision is being improved.
And we are taking action to ensure that court decisions are enacted.
There is a long way to go until we have a judicial system that meets Western standards, but we are committed to working towards this.
I hope these facts go some way to demonstrating the role Georgia can have as a beacon of democracy in our region.
It is one of the key reasons why the Kremlin are so concerned about Georgia’s progress.
Energy security.
The second is our important position as an energy corridor.
In some ways Georgia’s strategic geographical location is a curse.
But in another way it is a blessing.
Georgia has long been a transit point for international trade.
Turmoil in North Africa and the Middle East highlights more than ever the vital geopolitical significance of energy in our coming century.
Fortunately for the United Kingdom you are located far enough away from Russia that the Kremlin is not able to turn off your gas supply (yet).
Our friends in Eastern Europe are not so lucky.
Each winter they have to live with the possibility that the taps will be turned off and they will be left freezing.
But my country can – and wants – to help with this.
We already have the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, built and operated by BP, bringing oil from Azerbaijan to the West, and gas supplied in the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum pipeline.
When the Nabucco pipeline is complete we will be able to transfer even more.
And with huge new gas reserves being discovered in Turkmenistan and other parts of the Caspian region, Georgia offers great opportunities for Europe to resolve its energy security worries.
For Georgia itself, I am pleased to report that we are now independent of Russia for our energy needs.
Indeed, after a long period of permanent blackouts Georgia has become a net electricity exporter to all neighbouring countries, including Russia.
So there is great potential for Georgia to be an energy gateway. But the opportunity will not be there forever. Energy hungry nations to the East are just as keen to get their hands on the huge reserves in Central Asia.
Georgia is ready to facilitate greater access to European energy markets – but there is a need for European nations to step up to the plate to make it happen.
Similarly, it is vital that our European allies show resolve in the face of Russian attempts to undermine Georgia’s territorial integrity.
Sphere of influence?
I know there are some in the West that regard Georgia as a nuisance and obstacle in building a stronger rapport with Russia.
They perceive Georgia as part of Russia’s backyard, and are horrified that we should have our own outlook on the world.
To coin a phrase, they see us as “a faraway place of which we know little”.
This is vividly expressed by Sir Christopher Meyer, former British Ambassador to the USA, in his recent book “Getting our Way”.
He states “there is not the slightest chance that the Ukraine and Georgia will be admitted to NATO, because, if politicians had the candour to admit it, both lie in Russia’s sphere of influence”.
I do not need to spell out to members of the Conservative Party the consequences of such thinking on how to handle relations with Russia.
It is the same argument that Churchill had to contend with during arguments with Lloyd George all those years ago.
Putting aside the fact that Georgia is committed to democratic reforms in a region where freedom is in short supply.
Or that the Georgian people look to the West and are committed to joining the EuroAtlantic community.
Or that other peoples of the former Soviet Union look to Georgia as a beacon, a test case for what they would like to achieve in their own localities.
I sincerely believe that there will be bigger consequences for the West if Georgia falls back into the Russian sphere.
The hope of those in the former Soviet bloc will be crushed, leading to countries across the region re-orientating to the East.
I fear we are already seeing this in some countries in Eastern Europe.
Markets and investment opportunities will be closed to the West.
The energy corridor of Georgia, which can help reduce dependence on Russian supplies, and can open up access to states in Central Asia will be cut off – literally sending a shiver across the EU if there is another cold winter and the Russians turn the taps off.
NATO will lose an ally that has stepped up to the plate in all recent missions.
David Cameron made the point in August 2008, when he argued “the only language a bully understands is when you stand up to them.”
I could not agree more.
He also said if the West turns a blind eye to Russian aggression it “would make our world far less stable, far less secure”.
Again, I could not agree more.
Mr Cameron said “Russia has to understand that she has lost an empire, just as we lost an empire”.
Sadly, the message in those wise words has not got through, especially to Prime Minister Putin, who regards the collapse of the Soviet Union as (I quote) “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century”.
How to bring peace to the region.
Georgia is deeply grateful for the support we have received from our allies, including the United Kingdom.
After the war, donors pledged 4.5 bln dollars to aid reconstruction efforts.
Much of the money has arrived and has been wisely spent.
President Obama has been strongly supportive of our territorial integrity, and his message was reiterated by Vice President Biden when he visited Georgia.
I have spoken of the support we have received from the United Kingdom.
We understand well that Georgia has responsibilities and we must meet them.
First, we know it is vital we stay on the path to secure democratic reforms in our country. I hope I have convinced you about this.
Second, we know we must update our defence capabilities and learn lessons from the conflict.
Third, we know we must stay on the course of Euro Atlantic integration and continue to contribute to NATO missions.
I am proud that despite our domestic constraints we are playing our full part in the mission in Afghanistan and will continue to do so.
And again, we are not talking about some symbolic participation.
Just as in in Kosovo and Iraq (where incidentally Georgia had the third highest number of troops, after the US and the UK), we are sending the best of the best of Georgian combat troops.
Nearly a thousand troops are serving alongside Coalition partners in Afghanistan (without any caveats) and unfortunately we are taking losses there as you do.
My President discussed the mission with Defence Secretary, Liam Fox, last month and I was gratified that the Secretary of State paid tribute to our forces in the House of Commons shortly afterwards.
I hope you will not mind me saying that there are few politicians in Western Europe who show the understanding of the geopolitical issues in the Caucasus to the extent of Dr Fox, and all of us in Georgia are grateful for his advice and interest.
We remained determined to fulfil our aspiration to achieve membership of NATO and the EU and to meet all the relevant criteria.
I am the first to acknowledge that the path to reuniting Georgia will not be easy or short.
There is much work to be done to build bridges with those who live in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
My President has made clear that Georgia will not use force to re-take the territories (even though the UN Charter explicitly justifies the use of for by states in self-defence).
What we must do is win back their hearts and minds – and we have a comprehensive plan to achieve this.
I know there is a lack of trust, but we must convince them there is a better alternative to being a puppet state of the Kremlin.
I dream of the day when those languishing in displacement camps in unoccupied Georgia will be able to see their homes again and rebuild their lives.
And it will be when Georgia and Russia have a straightforward, diplomatic relationship based on international norms and above all – based on still existing mutual interests. This is perfectly possible.
As you will know, representatives of Georgia and Russia are talking in Geneva.
And our allies in the West can help with this.
I am pleased that David Cameron is to visit Moscow later this year.
British support in getting the Kremlin to meet their international obligations can only help the process.
There are no winners from the current situation.
But there can be no solution based on Russian occupation of Georgian territory.
There is going to be no “regime change” in my country, however much it might be desired in Moscow.
Conclusion.
So, to return to where I started.
There is a debate in this country as to whether the recent events in North Africa resemble the collapse of Communism in 1989.
Times columnist, Hugo Rifkind, has written – I quote - “it makes me feel quite sick when the obvious comparisons are drawn between the wave of protest in the Middle East and the spread of freedom in Eastern Europe in 1989”. He asks of today “who is Russia in this parallel?”
Personally, I do not think this is a difficult question to answer – and indeed, in each revolution in North Africa today’s Kremlin has stood firmly with the regimes, not the peoples.
I agree with David Cameron when he says that “there is no doubt that those who are demanding change in the wider Middle East can take inspiration from other peaceful movements for change, including the Velvet Revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe”.
I hope I have shown you today that in Georgia too we can provide inspiration to those who aspire to freedom and democracy and have shown what can be achieved.
From Winston Churchill through to David Cameron, Conservative politicians have shown solidarity with the Georgian people, even when it was not fashionable to do so.
For that, my country will always be grateful and I look forward to your thoughts and advice this evening and in the period ahead.