Presentation by H.E. Zef Mazi, Ambassador of the Republic of Albania to the UK
“Albania’s Foreign and Security Policy, NATO and the EU”
Conservative Foreign and Commonwealth Council
House of Commons, London, 7 December 2009
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I am very pleased to have been asked by the Conservative Foreign and Commonwealth Council to make a presentation on Albania’s foreign and security perceptions and policy, NATO membership and relations with the EU.
Let me start by saying that I have been delighted and honoured to have been appointed Ambassador of Albania to the United Kingdom, and to have been given this chance to thank again the United Kingdom for the multifaceted support it has continuously given to Albania, the growth of democracy there and the solution of the Albanian question in the Balkans. A lot indeed can be attributed to the contribution of this Parliament, whose members are very familiar and have real knowledge and expertise in central-south European affairs. A case in point would be, e.g. Deputy Chair of the APPG, M.Pritchard.
As you would imagine, it is not particularly easy for an ambassador to speak about his own country at a time when the country is free and open, there is a free media, a whole network of active NGOs, when communication and information are no more the monopoly of the state and when there are numerous channels to gauge both development, truth, transparency and honesty. British long tradition of democracy and whoever follows parliamentary debates here would confirm this is the best way to go. It is with all this in mind that I intend to be as candid and objective as possible.
Having said that let me try to sort of set the scene for my topic: I would start by a simple double question: Is democracy a success in Albania? The answer is definitely – Yes. Is there need for improvement? The answer is again definitely – Yes, and in a number of aspects. If I may continue with one more question: is there any country in the world where improvements are not needed? I suppose “No”! The great truth and commitment is that the Albanian people and all Albanian structures – political, legislative, executive – across the board, are determined in their unity on and happily pursuing Albania’s path towards the EU. As the Guardian wrote only 10 days ago, “where on earth would 88% of a nation’s citizenry want to join us (and Herman Van Rompuy) in the world’s least welcoming club?” Our people, as has been demonstrated, are committed and willing to sacrifice for that goal.
I am aware that there are various voices, views and perceptions about Albania, most correct, some perhaps not so much so. I am also aware that there may be little or outdated information about Albania. Much in that regard may depend on the particular vantage point or interests. But the common denominator is that these views, voices, perceptions would help be the sight and sound of democracy in Albania, in general a functioning democracy, though still a bit far from yours and not so strong.
Let me reiterate a few basic points of departure to be borne in mind:
- when Albania started the road of democracy only 17 years ago, it had absolutely nothing but enthusiasm and determination to enter into the path of and build democracy and a democratic society;
- every activity of a modern, free and democratic society – freedom of speech, thought, movement, religion, media, from the classroom to the boardroom, had to be learned from ground up; all old rules had to be abolished as every single one of them was about repression;
- laws of freedom, of a free and democratic society, had all to be written brand new; hundreds and hundreds had to be revisited and revised as the country moved forward, though error and trial; there was no democratic tradition as you perceive and have experience for hundreds and hundreds of years;
- we had to learn to establish and live with a free press, flourishing NGOs and an open society as best firm pillars to ensure transparency, no diversion but always progress in a democratic society.
- after generations of a die-hard, North Korea style communist state in the centre of Europe, a gigantic difficult task and challenge was to make our people believe and have confidence in the state, in their democratic future, to teach them that the institutions of the state, in democracy, are different, are their “friends” established to support, help and ensure their life gets better, as it really has been proved; and
It may sound a bit strange, but Albania was the first country from the former communist east to formally ask for NATO membership as early as in 1992. It took us exactly 17 years to reach that goal. The question was: would belonging to a military alliance strengthen security? There has been a multifaceted analysis, due the specific unpleasant developments in the Balkans in the early-to-mid-90s which I will try to summerize.
Security risks facing today’s Europe are different from wars that threatened national integrity and sovereignty in the past. The first and, perhaps, somewhat under-appreciated advantage, of the situation in Europe is that the European environment offers states a setting in which their traditional security fears and anxieties are significantly reduced. There is a widespread absence of a direct military threat to almost all the states on the continent.
The norms prevailing in the European setting, not confrontational in nature, are in opposition to any notion of the application of military force to settle disputes between and/or among countries. It is safer and easier to act in a milieu where confrontation and traditional military measures of power are not prominent components in the conduct of relations between states.
Multilateral institutions that continue to exercise governance over political and security affairs in Europe offer small states multiple opportunities for membership and participation in a wide variety of forums, a wide range of outlets for foreign policy activism and the exertion of so-called traditional (small-state) roles. Participation in these forums would enable states to pursue a key foreign policy goal: the proverbial “seat at the table”, or “voice at the table”, in regional affairs as a formal equal with perhaps expectations of some degree of influence. Membership enables them to concentrate their limited foreign policy assets in a few nodes of regional decision-making importance.
There was still reason, however, for states in Europe not to feel entirely comfortable or content with their security environment, although states across the continent do not hold the same judgments or perceptions of their new security environment. (e.g. compare the Baltics with the Balkans.)
In the early 90s, Western Europe hoped that membership in what was then the CSCE (now OSCE), the Council of Europe, the “associate partnership” with the WEU, later in the NACC, the PfP Program, and other regional forums, would be a sufficient level of engagement in lieu of full NATO and EU membership. The truth is that these mechanisms clearly have not proven satisfactory for many states. The OSCE, for example, provides a very important diplomatic forum, where the US, Canada, the Russian Federation, all NATO and EU countries as well as Central Asia sit together on a daily basis for consultation and negotiations, but little else. Their impact, however, should not be overestimated nor underestimated. Important as these forums may truly be, they cannot, by and large, satisfy the central security concerns of all states.
Some other countries, where “neutrality” is still a constitutional matter, may think differently: is the security situation today different or more threatening that in the past, say, 60 years? Is a nuclear shield needed for protection in the present situation? How would joining NATO affect neutrality and/or our neighbors? To me, the end of blocs has clearly long since lifted confrontation with regard to which a country needed to be neutral.
The decisions of NATO, 10 years ago, to include a group of new member states, another group a few years later, and a couple more in 2009, actually changed the equation, hence the security perception and perspective. Countries like Albania would not feel caught in a form of “strategic limbo” any longer.
The policy to join NATO in Albania has enjoyed an unwavering political and popular support across the board, in a way that may have not been seen among other aspirants, sometimes not even among NATO member states themselves. NATO countries have witnessed that the efforts and the hope for inclusion have not risen and fallen with the political climate in the country. They have been and, for the foreseeable future, will continue to be uniformly very supportive.
NATO has changed since the Cold War. The process of change is still going on. Membership has expanded through inclusion of new states and the doors are open to others. Special relations have been established with the Russian Federation through the NATO-Russia Council and the Ukraine and Georgia Commissions. Nuclear deterrence, as a public good, does not seem to define any more the basic nature of NATO, but it still is a vitally important element. This remarkably cohesive alliance and collective defense organization has gradually developed into a tool for broad security co-operation and stability.
Let us be frank about it - all countries that have yearned and/or are yearning to join NATO do so primarily because of the military security guarantees, i.e., in simplistic cold war mentality rhetoric, because of the guarantees given under Article V of the Washington Treaty. I do not know therefore whether they realize they are joining a new, not the old, NATO!
In addition, they apply for membership in both NATO and the EU as, essentially, a guarantee against internal instability and against reversal to undemocratic rule. Their internal systems, their democratic achievements are, once in NATO, and tomorrow in the EU, definitely anchored in a very solid group of most powerful democratic nations in the world, that share the same characteristic democraic values: similar or the same consolidated democratic pluralism and political stabilities, a free market economy, similar or identical economic ties and stabilities, same military doctrines, integrated military structures and the same or similar military technologies. Most traditional security concerns would be present and dealt with within a defense system, as that of NATO that would permit involvement in defense and security decision–making, including about these countries themselves. A collective defense and security future provides, in principle and practice, also a measure of physical security. It ultimately locks us into a multilateral arrangement together with the biggest powers.
NATO has clearly been the most tangible element in the continent-wide institutional infrastructure underpinning decisions and actions to avoid and manage crisis in Europe, backed by full political legitimacy and military muscle while avoiding escalation of certain underlying political and military frictions. As an ever more politico-defense-security body, it remains a permanent fixture on the post Cold War political landscape, retaining an efficacy and capability that the other international institutions have proved incapable of emulating.
Because of all this, NATO membership for Albania has been a desired goal and a real fundamental political orientation.As a member of NATO, Albania stands shoulder to shoulder with its allies in difficult hot zones where champions of democracy are required to be and sacrifice, such as in Iraq, Afghanistan, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Darfur (with EU Mission), where Albanian servicemen, in increased numbers, are serving alongside the UK and other NATO allies. It is with a sense of pride that small, free and democratic Albania, has reached the stage of development whereby it finally is able to be your ally in the battlefield just as you have been and are our allies in our democratic growth and development.
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The next major political goal of Albania is joining the EU. Albania has signed the SAA with the EU, which has been ratified by 27 member states and is in force since 1 April ‘09. It has applied for candidate status of the EU. Only two weeks days ago the Council decided to refer the matter to the Commission for an opinion, which is expected to be given within a year or so. In the meantime, Albania is working on an EU agreement for a Schengen visa liberalization regime, which we expect to get by the middle of next year. The EU already gave the green light for a liberalized visa regime to three countries in the region. This has been appreciated by us. I have to admit though that a tendency to pursue approaches which lead one to believe there seems to be sort of another sub-division in the Balkans may not go too well with the public opinion and perception, as only the Albanians and part of Bosnia are not yet given a liberalized visa regime! My country is working very hard to meet the EU’s “all the technical requirements to earn that status”.
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Albania is a small country. Its foreign policy activism has automatically to be commensurate with its size, weight and power. Albania occupies an important strategic geo-political position in the Balkans. It is thus aware of the importance of its role in ensuring peace, stability, security and prosperity in the region. An added, not insignificant, dimension is the large number of Albanians, almost as many as in Albania, who live directly outside its borders in several other states. Our foreign policy goal is therefore to ensure we play an increasingly responsible and constructive role and continuously contribute to the overall regional security, stability and economic growth.
A lot has changed in the Balkans in the last two decades. Looking retrospectively and putting things into perspective, concrete steps have been taken to right what was made wrong 100 years ago. In the last 17 years seven states have emerged after the violent break-up of Yugoslavia, Kosova being the last. In this new configuration of new states, and various cultures, traditions and values, while having many things in common at the same time, Albania believes there is no alternative to working cooperatively together. This is the only secure way towards each and every one’s and the regions’ prosperity, sustained peace, stability and fully integrated in Europe, where our place is.
Having said that, what would more specifically be our main foreign policy lines? In view of the above, it is not a novelty to say that neighborly relations are extremely important.
Kosova: If I can quote a saying of Helmut Kohl on the verge of the fall of the Berlin Wall, “Wir sind ein Volk, ein Nazion!” (we are one people, one nation). It seems this saying would fit well with regad to the Albanians. Yes, we are one people, one nation that live in two states. So it is only natural that we have a vital national interest. We have chosen to work for our common future in the European Union. Kosova is a new state, only two years old next February.
We have excellent brotherly relations in all fields which we are working to further consolidate. We are committed, therefore, to help them, in harmony with the international community, in all possible ways to address a double challenge: consolidating the democratic institutions already in place and building new ones in line with the EU integration perspective. We are glad to note that there is commitment to work closely, cooperatively with the EULEX mission to ensure high standards of the rule of law, human rights, independent judiciary and respect for national minorities.
Relations with Serbia take an important priority. We seem to agree on all but one issue. This does not prevent us, at least this is our view, from developing relations of cooperation in all other fields through intensive political dialogue and exchanges, bearing in mind our mutual interests and the wider regional interest. This, as far as we are concerned, is always placed in the context of a major perspective and objective – EU integration. A constructive all-sided cooperation between Albania and Serbia can only bring about a positive impact for the whole region. Albania has supported Serbia’s membership in all regional organizations and initiatives, including NATO. (We hope Serbia would cherish the same feelings and eventually take the same approaches towards us.) We do hope that gradually Serbia will have to move from the current position, free itself from the past myths, gradually come to terms with the reality and take constructive steps towards the recognition of Kosova. It will be only beneficial for Serbia to do so. There is no mid- to long-term alternative to that.
With Macedonia Albania will continue to pursue the policy of good neighborliness and cooperate in all fields of mutual interest. A strong, stable and prosperous Macedonia in NATO and the EU is very important for the region. There is a sizeable Albanian population there that accounts for 30% of Macedonia’s population. This is one more substantial reason to focus special attention to our relations with Macedonia. We see its EU membership process (it has now got the avis to start accession negotiations with the EU) as very positive for the whole region. We support its accession into NATO and v eyr mcuh expect to see a solution to the name issue (discussed also today).
Full implementation of the Ohrid Agreement would give another boost to consolidating the climate of interethnic coexistence, as well as sharing and coordinating better responsibilities for the management of the country. The agreement between Macedonia and Kosova for the final demarcation of the border line and the establishment of diplomatic relations has been warmly applauded by us as another important contribution to good neighborly relations, to lasting peace and stability in the region.
With Montenegro we have very good neighborly relations and are both working to intensify and develop them in all possible fields. Albania supported Montenegro in getting the MAP for NATO membership only three days ago. We also support Bosnia and Herzegovina’s integration in NATO and the EU, have very good relations with it, have even waivered the visa regime recently, but also believe that necessary reforms should take place to make the state more functional and solid, as significant difficulties seem to still lie ahead which need to be overcome.
An economically integrated Balkans, east, west, north and south, is good for all as it moves forward towards the EU and NATO. It has very similar or shared historical past, as well as common current and future interests. This includes our EU and NATO neighbors, Italy, Greece and Turkey, with which we have excellent natural, historical and traditional bonds.
Relations with Italy and Greece are excellent, strategic and at their highest level. Soon we are going to sign a Strategic Partnership Document with Italy, pinning relations in an institutionalized framework. We have a vast Albanian community in these countries, about 1 million, who are serving as a strong bridge of friendly relations. With Turkey we have brilliant traditional relations which are being materialized in a new dimension of economic, trade and military cooperation.
This reality, coupled with very good friendly, political, economic and other relations with the traditional big powers, partners and allies, such as the UK, with the new EU states and the centers of world economic development, in close, harmonious and constructive co-operation, will make the region definitely assume a new dynamic and development. It will benefit the region, each individual state and the EU itself.
The USA will continue to be our strategic ally in issues of regional and global concern, policy and security. Increased US economic cooperation and investment will continue to be key priority.
With the new emerging world economies we have very good relations and are trying to further develop them. China, the second largest world economy, is of course at the focus of attention. The historical ties with China are revived. The Deputy Prime Minister of China visited Tirana recently to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries with a 70-strong economic delegation. Six different bilateral agreements were signed on that occasion.
Some months ago we also opened our first embassy in New Dehli and appointed an ambassador. We have now opened an Embassy in Brasil. Our intention is to further develop our communications and exchanges with them in all areas of mutual interest - political, economic and cultural.
With Russia we have good relations and the good will to further develop them considering Russia a major factor for global peace and security. Of course, we do not see eye to eye on several issues, the most important of which is Kosova, but that does not prevent us from working together cooperatively in all the fields of mutual interest. We do hope that reasonably soon Russia will have to accept the reality and move to recognize Kosova’s independence. It would be in Russia’s interest to do so sooner rather than later.
Albania takes an ever more active role in the regional and international stage by increasing its contribution to all the organizations we are members of, such as we did in recent days by increasing out troops in Afghanistan, fully in line with the US and UK policy. We have very successfully chaired a number of regional organizations and fora, will assume the Presidency of the Council of Europe in 2012, have applied for the OSCE chairmanship in 2014, and expect to be a member of the UN SC by 2021. We support a stronger, more efficient and effective UN, the reform of the UN system and the Security Council. We are more or less in line with the UK position in this reform process, including the geographic distribution of senior posts.
By way of concluding, let me say that an important focus of our foreign policy is the old and new Albanian diaspora abroad. They have our great attention. We feel more needs to be done in support of this large portion of the nation abroad (30 %) to ensure they integrate well into the society where they live, are distinguished for their resilience, honesty and respect for all the laws of the host countries, while ensuring that they, in particular the younger generation, retain their cultural identity, language, customs and traditions.
In closing, the way Albanians are being treated by the international community lead us to believe that “Albania and the Albanians have friends among the nations”. We are proud of our friendship, partnership with and support from the United Kingdom. There is a truth that your friends know, but please do bear with me to hear it again from your friends in Albania: Your glorious history is an inspiration for us, who have suffered a lot and longed to get democracy into our own country, which we did.
Thank you.